[House Hearing, 116 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
THE FY20 BUDGET: EXAMINING THE
ADMINISTRATION'S POLICY OBJECTIVES FOR A TURBULENT MIDDLE EAST
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
THE MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA, AND INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
October 29, 2019
__________
Serial No. 116-74
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Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,
or http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
38-199PDF WASHINGTON : 2019
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York, Chairman
BRAD SHERMAN, California MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York Member
ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida JOE WILSON, South Carolina
KAREN BASS, California SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts TED S. YOHO, Florida
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
AMI BERA, California LEE ZELDIN, New York
JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas JIM SENSENBRENNER, Wisconsin
DINA TITUS, Nevada ANN WAGNER, Missouri
ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York BRIAN MAST, Florida
TED LIEU, California FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
DEAN PHILLPS, Minnesota JOHN CURTIS, Utah
ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota KEN BUCK, Colorado
COLIN ALLRED, Texas RON WRIGHT, Texas
ANDY LEVIN, Michigan GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania
ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania GREG PENCE, Indiana
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey STEVE WATKINS, Kansas
DAVID TRONE, Maryland MIKE GUEST, Mississippi
JIM COSTA, California
JUAN VARGAS, California
VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas
Jason Steinbaum, Democrat Staff Director
Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director
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Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International
Terrorism
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida, Chairman
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia JOE WILSON, South Carolina,
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island Ranking Member
TED LIEU, California STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
COLIN ALLRED, Texas ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey LEE ZELDIN, New York
DAVID TRONE, Maryland BRIAN Mast, Florida
BRAD SHERMAN, California BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania
JUAN VARGAS, California STEVEN WATKINS, Kansas
Casey Kustin, Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Schenker, Honorable David, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs, U.S. Department of State...................... 7
Harvey, Honorable Michael T., Assistant Administrator, Bureau for
the Middle East, U.S. Agency for International Development..... 13
APPENDIX
Hearing Notice................................................... 33
Hearing Minutes.................................................. 34
Hearing Attendance............................................... 35
RESPONSES TO QUESTONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
Responses to questions submitted for the record from
Representative Deutch.......................................... 36
THE FY20 BUDGET: EXAMINING THE
ADMINISTRATION'S POLICY OBJECTIVES FOR A TURBULENT MIDDLE EAST
Tuesday, October 29, 2019
House of Representatives
Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International
Terrorism
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Washington, DC
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:34 p.m., in
room 2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Theodore E.
Deutch (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Deutch. All right. This hearing will come to order.
Welcome, everyone. The subcommittee is meeting today to hear
testimony on the Trump Administration's budgetary and policy
priorities in the Middle East for Fiscal Year 2020. We look
forward to hearing from our witnesses about the FY20 budgets
for the Department of State's Near Eastern Affairs Bureau as
well as USAID's Bureau for the Middle East. I thank the
witnesses for appearing today. I now recognize myself for
purposes of making an opening statement.
Thank you, Assistant Secretary Schenker and Assistant
Administrator Harvey for testifying today. Nearly 3 years into
the Trump Administration, the United States faces a multitude
of challenges in the Middle East. While the Administration
touts its maximum pressure policy, Iran continues to
destabilize countries from Iraq to Yemen to Lebanon. Despite
President Trump's bellicose rhetoric, Tehran has been able to
launch attacks on international shipping and regional States,
undermining U.S. deterrence and credibility in the progress.
The Iranian nuclear program is more advanced today than it
was that President Trump took office, and the international
community is more divided in confronting it. Iran continues to
unjustly imprison Americans, including my constituent Bob
Levinson, and violate the human rights of its own people. Iran
also continues to support Bashar al-Assad and fuel the conflict
in Syria, which has led to the deaths of more than 600,000
people and the displacement of millions both inside Syria and
in neighboring countries.
This conflict and the humanitarian crisis it created will
reshape the Middle East for decades to come, but our policy in
Syria remains ambiguous at best. President Trump has now twice
announced the rapid and complete withdrawal of U.S. troops from
Syria, with little notice given to international allies and
partners on the ground. This approach has ceded U.S. leverage
over a future political solution in Syria, placed American
troops and civilians in danger, undermined our credibility,
removed pressure on ISIS, and betrayed our Syrian partners who
fought valiantly in recent years to counter ISIS with American
support.
I commend the successful operation this weekend to take out
ISIS leader al-Baghdadi, but I caution that the removal of one
individual should not validate our current withdrawal strategy.
If anything, it should show us the importance of our
counterterrorism mission and cooperation with partners on the
ground in Syria.
The President has also provided a strategic victory to our
adversaries. Russia has used military force, economic support,
and weapons sales to become the arbiter of Syria's future and
to increase its regional influence at the expense of the United
States. Yemen remains ravaged by civil conflicts, foreign
intervention, and the world's worst humanitarian crisis. The
Trump Administration has offered unstinting support to Saudi
Arabia and the UAE in their military campaign in Yemen,
ignoring the bipartisan support in Congress for ending U.S.
military support for coalition operations.
And while I understand the risk posed by the Houthis and
Iranian forces, the conflict has led to tens of thousands of
civilian casualties, shifted focus from al-Qaida in the Arabian
Peninsula, and dramatically worsened a humanitarian
catastrophe. The region also faces ongoing challenges. Israel
confronts threats on its borders from terrorist organizations
like Hezbollah and Hamas, and peace with the Palestinians
remains elusive. People in the West Bank seek a prosperous
future, while Gazans suffer in need of humanitarian aid.
The dispute splitting the Gulf Cooperation Council is at a
stalemate. Libya, a state on the doorstep of Europe, is
fractured and an arena for an expanding proxy war between
regional powers. However, U.S. policy must not be solely
reactionary and only respond to the many crises in the Middle
East. It must also be forward-looking and grasp the many
opportunities in the region.
A youth bulge--approximately 45 percent of the Middle East
is under 25 years old--presents a chance to reset U.S.
relations with the people of the region in the coming decade.
Tunisia just completed a successful round of elections as the
country moves forward on the difficult path of democratic
development.
Protesters took to the streets in Algeria on Friday for the
36th week in a row to demand their government root out
corruption and better meet the needs of the people. In fact, in
recent weeks, protests have gripped other countries throughout
the region including Egypt, Lebanon, and Iraq, and led to the
resignation of Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri earlier
today. More than 8 years after millions took to the streets to
protest corruption and autocracy, these demonstrations indicate
that too many regional governments remain unaccountable to
their people and opposed to open civil society, transparency,
and human rights.
I am disappointed that the Trump Administration has offered
an inconsistent message on human rights and democratic values.
At a time when many are questioning American commitment to the
region, the Administration has too often turned a blind eye to
human rights abuses and equivocated in expressing support for
good governance in the Middle East. The Administration often
articulates maximalist goals in the Middle East, but has cut
the resources needed to achieve them.
For the third straight year, the Trump Administration has
proposed drastic cuts to our foreign affairs budget. The FY20
budget requested an estimated $6.5 billion in total bilateral
assistance to the MENA region, a figure that is 6 percent less
than the FY19 request and 11 percent less than what Congress
appropriated in FY19.
This subcommittee has oversight responsibility over the NEA
Bureau and Middle East Bureau budgets and I hope this hearing
today can help us get some better understanding of the
Administration's strategy and a clearer articulation of U.S.
policy in the Middle East and how we are allocating resources
to accomplish our objectives in the region. I am grateful to
the witnesses for appearing, and with that I will turn it over
to Ranking Member Wilson for his opening statement.
Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Chairman Ted Deutch, for calling
this important hearing, examining the Trump Administration's
policy objectives for the turbulent Middle East. We appreciate
our distinguished witnesses, Assistant Secretary David Schenker
and Assistant Administrator Michael Harvey, for their
extraordinary service and for their testimony before the
committee today.
Formulating U.S. policy is not easy, but letting alone to
crafting a policy of so many complexities in a region like the
Middle East with centuries of conflict, but our two witnesses
surely have their jobs cut out for them and we thank them for
their positive efforts. Indeed, the Middle East has vexed both
Republican and Democrat administrations alike.
But despite the difficulties, the United States has
remained engaged in the region. We have been invested in the
people and the potential of the Middle East. Although we may
have disagreed across the aisle about specific policies, we can
all agree that U.S. engagement and commitment to the Middle
East is necessary. It is definitely preferred to a Middle East
in which rogue regimes like Russia, Iran, or China are power
brokers.
To be fair, the Trump Administration has presided over many
important successes in the Middle East. Today's hearing comes
just days after the U.S. Special Forces successfully conducted
a raid in northwest Syria, which led to the deserved death of
the leader of ISIS, the murderous Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. But to
ensure that this murderous ideology of ISIS does not resurrect
from the ashes of Syria and Iran will require an enduring
American commitment. Not just to the global war against
terrorism, but to the stability of the Middle East itself.
I also commend this administration for spearheading the
maximum pressure campaign against Iran. This is the right
approach against the world's foremost State sponsor of
terrorism, but I am deeply concerned about the current approach
is simply not enough. In the past year alone, Iran has cemented
its stranglehold over Iraq and Lebanon and significantly
increased the amount of territory it controls in Syria.
It appears that there is only so much that can be
accomplished through economic sanctions. How are we working to
push back the increased Iranian influence in the region in ways
other than sanctions? Consistently over the decades, the
Iranians have remained committed to exporting their evil
ideology throughout the Middle East, fostering terrorism,
sectarianism, and violence everywhere. Meanwhile, the United
States has sought to support democracy in the region, hemming
and hawing about its role in the region.
There are plenty of reasons for the U.S. to renew its
resolve and commitment to the region. The Middle East today is
teeming with potential. In the past year alone, we have seen
the citizens of Sudan, Egypt, Algeria, and most recently Iraq
and Lebanon, take to the streets and give expression to their
democratic aspirations. I am even hopeful that the spark of
liberty will 1 day ignite a democratic movement in Iran as
well, which has a historic background reflective of the Persian
culture.
Just last week, the world as we inspired as the runner-up
in Tunisia's Presidential elections met with the country's
newly elected president, a sign of strengthened faith in
Tunisia's democratic institutions. I was fortunate to travel to
Tunisia last month with the Helsinki Commission and I was
inspired to see this fledgling democracy in action.
The U.S. must not concede influence to those who counter
the spirit of democracy and freedom in the Middle East. There
is simply no substitute for U.S. leadership in the region. I
look forward to hearing from the distinguished witnesses today
and I yield back my time.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Ranking Member Wilson. It is now my
pleasure to introduce the witnesses. And before I do, without
objection, all members may have 5 days to submit statements,
questions, and extraneous materials for the record subject to
the length limitation in the rules.
Assistant Secretary David Schenker is the Assistant
Secretary of Near Eastern Affairs at the U.S. Department of
State. He was sworn in on June 14, 2019. Prior to joining the
Department of State, Assistant Secretary Schenker was director
of the Program on Arab Politics at the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy. He previously served in the Office of the
Secretary of Defense as Levant country director, and he was
awarded the Office of the Secretary of Defense Medal for
Exceptional Civilian Service in 2005. Before joining the
government in 2002, he was a research fellow at the Washington
Institute and a project coordinator of large, centrally-funded
USAID projects in Egypt and in Jordan.
Assistant Administrator Harvey, Michael Harvey, was
appointed Assistant Administrator of USAID's Bureau in January
2019. He comes to the position after serving more than 30 years
as a Foreign Service officer for USAID, with multiple overseas
assignments including Mission Director in Nigeria, Mission
Director in the West Bank and Gaza, Deputy Mission Director in
Iraq and Jordan. He most recently served as a faculty member of
the National War College in Washington, DC, and chaired USAID's
Task Force to Defeat the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria as
Assistant to the Administrator. Assistant Administrator Harvey
has received numerous awards from the Department of State and
USAID for his exceptional service.
Thank you both for being here today. Let me remind the
witnesses to please limit your testimony to 5 minutes. And,
without objection, your prepared written statements in their
entirety will be made part of the hearing record. Again, thank
you so much for being here today.
Assistant Secretary Schenker, you are recognized.
STATEMENT OF DAVID SCHENKER, ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF
NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Secretary Schenker. Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member Wilson,
thank you for inviting us here today to discuss the
President's----
Mr. Deutch. Can you pull the microphone a little closer?
Secretary Schenker. Yes. Is that better?
Mr. Deutch. Yes.
Secretary Schenker. OK. Thank you for inviting us here to
discuss the President's FY20 budget request. Stability is the
Administration's imperative in the Middle East and North Africa
to protect the American people and our interests abroad. That
core objective, which benefits U.S. interests as well as the
region's, drives our diplomatic and foreign assistance.
The President's FY20 foreign assistance budget request of
$6.6 billion for the region will support national security
priorities to counter Iran's malign influence, ensure the
enduring defeat of ISIS, support persecuted religious and
ethnic minorities throughout the region, and maintain support
to key allies and critical partnerships across the region. The
request also recognizes that the United States cannot alone
bear sole responsibility for addressing challenges in the
region.
The President's request places an emphasis on burden-
sharing, leveraging the U.S. taxpayer dollars against
investments from our regional partners and the international
community. The Administration's Iran strategy focuses on
neutralizing Tehran's destabilizing influence and constraining
its malign activities, particularly its support for terrorism
and militants. Strong diplomatic, economic, and security
measures must be bolstered by U.S. assistance programs that
support key partners and seek to deny access and influence to
Iran and its proxies.
Resource requested in this budget will counter Iran's
malign influence in Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen by working through
our partners, our local partners. The territorial defeat of
ISIS in Iraq and Syria is a major milestone that should not be
underestimated. The FY20 request reflects significant progress
in encouraging our allies to support stabilization activities
in Syria. We also continue to hold ISIS accountable for the
atrocities it committed including genocide against Iraq's
persecuted communities.
Ensuring the survival of Iraq's minority religious and
ethnic communities is a vital interest of the United States and
stands in direct opposition to the extremist vision ISIS sought
to impose on Iraq. U.S. assistance will enable Iraq to become a
constructive, stabilizing influence in the region. The FY20
request of $166 million supports U.S. assistance that promotes
further integration of Iraq into the global economy, which in
turn will create opportunities for U.S. businesses and jobs
here at home.
As we have seen over the last few weeks, stabilization in
Syria will require more resources than one country alone should
provide. We expect our allies and partners to increase
contributions to stabilize Syria and ensure that ISIS cannot
return. In Yemen, we are working with international donors to
address critical humanitarian needs that will help create a
foundation for durable peace. In addition, the FY20 budget
requests $41 million in economic assistance to support the
Yemeni people and their institutions.
The FY20 budget reflects our commitment to comprehensive
Arab-Israeli peace, which hinges on a safe and secure Israel.
Consistent with the 2019 through 2028 MOU between the United
States and Israel, the President's budget requests 3.3 billion
of FMF for Israel, the single largest foreign assistance
investment in the region. The Administration continues to work
toward a comprehensive and lasting peace between Israel and
Palestinians.
In support of these efforts, the President's FY20 request
includes 35 million in security assistance for the Palestinian
Authority security forces, and includes funding in the
Diplomatic Progress Fund that could also be used for assistance
for the West Bank and Gaza. Encouraging deeper partnerships
between Israel and its neighbors will reduce Israel's
international isolation and improve regional security.
The FY20 request includes $1.275 billion for Jordan,
consistent with the 2018 bilateral MOU. I would like to thank
the subcommittee for sharing the Administration's staunch
support for the U.S.--Jordan relationship. The U.S. assistance
has helped Jordan weather the impact of the Syrian crisis and
supports the longstanding U.S.-Jordanian relationship.
Egypt, the region's most populous country, is also
important to U.S. interests. The FY20 request includes 1.3
billion in FMF to support the Egyptian Armed Forces' capacity
to counter terrorism in the Sinai and secure the country's land
and maritime borders, including the Suez Canal.
In closing, the President's FY20 request contributes to
achievement of our national priorities in the region and
supports investments to advance our interests. Thank you for
your enduring support to our diplomacy in the region and our
foreign service investments, foreign assistance investments.
Our ability to respond quickly to needs in the region and
allocate funding effectively requires your continued support. I
look forward to answering your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Secretary Schenker follows:]
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Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Assistant Secretary Schenker.
Assistant Administrator Harvey, you are recognized for 5
minutes.
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL HARVEY, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU
FOR THE MIDDLE EAST, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Harvey. Thank you. Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member
Wilson, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank
you for the opportunity to testify on the important role of the
development and humanitarian assistance programming in the
advancing U.S. interests in the Middle East and North Africa.
It is an honor to be here with Assistant Secretary Schenker and
to be representing Administrator Green and the professionals of
USAID.
USAID recognizes that most of the nations in this region
are actually middle-income countries, countries with young
populations whose energy, education, and inspiration can be
tapped to help speed their countries' journeys to self-
reliance. We believe well-targeted investments by the United
States and other donors can play a critical role in helping
these countries lock in democratic advances where they have
occurred and drive job-creating, economic growth through
modern, free-market economies.
In line with administration policies, USAID focuses its
programming to support our friends and allies and steadily work
toward graduating countries from foreign assistance. Helping
partners build self-reliance is key to the broader U.S. effort
to counter malign influences coming from outside, while
demonstrating American values in the context of renewed great
power competition. In Iraq, we continue to support the
government's initiatives to strengthen fiscal management and
improve service delivery. Progress in these areas will
strengthen Iraqi sovereignty and provide an effective counter
to Iranian influences within the society.
Another key area of focus is our support for religious and
ethnic minorities in Northern Iraq. Building on the $400
million investment we have made thus far to help communities
recover from the atrocities of ISIS, the Administration is
requesting $150 million to support vulnerable, religious, and
ethnic minority groups globally. This investment will help
ensure these communities are able to remain in their historical
homelands and to thrive as crucial components of their larger
societies.
I want to note that as part of our effort to expand USAID's
partner base as a global initiative, earlier this month
Administrator Green announced six direct awards to local Iraqi
organizations who are working to implement our programming with
ethnic and religious communities who have been targeted for
genocide. We point with pride to our pilot early grade reading
and high school programs targeting science, technology,
engineering, and math programs in Egypt. The Government of
Egypt has now expanded these programs across the country,
demonstrating the capacity to take on these successes and
address and forward the country's development effort.
But let's be clear, job creation across the region is a key
concern. Our work with the private sector is yielding results.
We recently handed diplomas and employment contracts to the
first group of logistics students who graduated in the Suez
Corridor logistics training program and we are doing similar
job-matching projects across the region, helping both the firms
and the young people they will employ.
In Tunisia, with the support of Congress and in particular
this subcommittee, the United States has played an important
role since 2011 in solidifying the country's democratic
transition. During my recent visit there, I was very honored to
officially reopen the USAID Tunisia office as a full mission,
and on that same trip to sign our first 5-year bilateral
agreement with Tunisia. While there, I traveled to Kairouan, in
Tunisia's interior, where I had the pleasure of visiting USAID
businesses that are now growing and with young people who are
actively participating with their local governments in setting
the path forward for their communities.
And before I close, a word on burden-sharing just to echo
the Secretary's remarks. The Administration's foreign
assistance request prioritizes investments matched by host
government commitments and encourages international donors to
share the burden of development. Our work in Syria is an
example. USAID programs have restored water and electricity to
hundreds of thousands of Syrians in areas liberated from ISIS.
We helped revitalize agriculture, rehabilitate canals, and all
of these activities were funded by our coalition partners.
We will continue to put U.S. interests first and to be full
partners in advancing U.S. national interests in this region.
With the support of Congress and through the strategic
efficient use of resources, we will continue to present the
best of the American people to the people of the Middle East
and North Africa. Thank you, sir, and I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Harvey follows:]
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Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much. Thanks to both of you
again for being here, and sincere thanks for your work in
service to the country advancing American interests and
admirably representing American values throughout the region.
We will now begin 5-minute questioning. I will begin followed
by the ranking member and then we will alternate between the
parties.
Secretary Schenker, last week the Iranian Foreign Ministry
reportedly sent to the United States a list of people it is
demanding in a proposed prisoner swap. The regime also made
another proposal for a prisoner exchange back in April. Could
you speak to the Administration's view of Iran's recent
proposal and tell us whether the Administration would engage in
a prisoner exchange with Iran or does it reject the idea on
principle?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you for the question,
Congressman. The United States and the Administration, a
priority is to get back our Americans held unjustly in Iran,
basically hostages over there. This is not a prisoner exchange.
We are talking about exchanging people who have been kidnapped,
Americans who are in Iran versus Iranian prisoners, people who
have done illegal things here like try and, for example, kill
the Saudi Ambassador in Georgetown through an Iranian plot.
That said, it is a priority to get our people back and we
are looking into all sorts of opportunities if they should
present themselves. But I cannot get into details on that.
Mr. Deutch. Now, can you comment on these reports of this
proposal?
Secretary Schenker. I cannot.
Mr. Deutch. Can you tell us whether there are any talks
underway with Iran to secure the release of Americans and U.S.
legal permanent residents held hostage?
Secretary Schenker. Yes, I am not going to get into those
details here. What I would say that it is a priority for us to
get our people back, but there has been a history, actually, of
these types of offers and Iran generally leverages them. And
when you pay for this type of behavior and when you pay for
kidnapping you generally get more.
Mr. Deutch. To both of you, let me ask about the
Administration's freezing of assistance to West Bank Gaza in
August 2018. If Congress acts to remove the constraints imposed
by the Anti-Terrorism Clarification Act, should the United
States consider resuming certain types of aid to Palestinians
and, if so, which types and under which conditions?
Secretary Schenker. Well, let me start by saying that the
Administration supports the victims of terrorism. This is an
important piece of legislation.
Mr. Deutch. Assistant Secretary, does the Administration
support the so-called active fix?
Secretary Schenker. We are willing to engage with Congress
on every level to fix that.
Mr. Deutch. Assistant Administrator Harvey, can you answer
the question about whether aid should and, if so, which type of
aid should flow again assuming the active fix addresses that
issue?
Mr. Harvey. Well, I will let the Assistant Secretary
address the issue of whether there should be an active fix.
That is a broader conversation. If assistance were to resume,
if the political decision were made that the circumstances
would justify that, we would take a look very closely with our
Palestinian partners to determine where to start. I would not
want to prejudge it now, but historically water and wastewater
have been very high priorities for both the Israel neighbors
and the Palestinians themselves, and I am sure that would be at
least one place where we would start.
Mr. Deutch. OK, so Assistant Secretary Schenker, let me get
back to you. So assuming that--thank you for your offer to work
with us. Assuming that an active fix is achieved, should aid
start to flow? Would the Administration recognize the benefits
of any type of aid flowing to West Bank and Gaza?
Secretary Schenker. I think that would be something that
would have to come after the rollout of the peace plan, but I
cannot really comment on whether----
Mr. Deutch. And why is that?
Secretary Schenker. Well, I think that there is this
enormous aid package that awaits the Palestinians that
underpins this, the peace proposal.
Mr. Deutch. So, let--Assistant Secretary, let's talk about
that. Do you have--can you tell us what role your desk has
played or that you personally have played in helping to draft
this peace process?
Secretary Schenker. None.
Mr. Deutch. But you are aware of what is in it?
Secretary Schenker. No. I have seen public statements from
Special Advisor Kushner about this, the talk about raising
money to underwrite that.
Mr. Deutch. OK, then let me just focus on the one issue of
U.S. security assistance. Help me understand why we should wait
for a peace proposal that may come soon or may never come at
all to resume the funding of the security coordinator that
helps to protect Palestinians and Israelis.
Secretary Schenker. Yes. No, that is a great question.
Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
Secretary Schenker. We would love to spend that right now.
We have allocated $35 million. We have the security coordinator
out there. We have it fully staffed. We are underwriting that.
We would like to spend this 35 million to do the train and
equip; we are just being held back by the ATCA.
Mr. Deutch. And, finally, all of----
Secretary Schenker. But that is good to go, that 35
million.
Mr. Deutch. And any other projects, are there any other
projects since--my understanding, Assistant Administrator
Harvey, is operations have essentially wound down in West Bank
and Gaza as a result of both the combination of ATCA and the
Administration's decision to withhold all funds. So are--can
you prioritize where funds would be spent?
Secretary Schenker. I do not have a list right now, but I
can get back to you on that.
Mr. Deutch. I would appreciate----
Secretary Schenker. I would think, by the way I would think
that the wastewater management would be, as Mike Harvey said,
would be a leading factor of public health.
Mr. Deutch. OK, I appreciate that.
Mr. Wilson, you are recognized.
Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Again, I thank both of
you for being here. Thank you for your service. And both of
you, I know, make a difference on behalf of freedom and
democracy in the world.
Assistant Secretary Schenker, what is the Near Eastern
Affairs Bureau of the State Department doing to counter Iranian
influence in the region?
Secretary Schenker. Well, first of all, we are implementing
crushing sanctions on the Iranians. This, as a result, denied
some $50 billion in oil revenue and is likely going to result
in a constriction of their economy by double digits by the end
of 2019. This economic pressure provides them with less money
with which to fund their regional proxies, terrorist
organizations like Hezbollah which are facing increased
pressure because of the lack of funds available to them. That
is on one side.
We are working with our partners to multilaterally
constrain Iran's malign behavior. This is building coalitions
in the region whether through the international maritime
security construct, also known as Operation Sentinel, and also
calling out Iran by name, something the E3 did to hold Iran
responsible for what it did in Aramco a few weeks back. That is
sort of unprecedented.
Likewise, we are exposing Iran, the Iranian regime's
brutality and governance problems. We are working through local
partners. We are strengthening and financially backing the
Lebanese armed forces which someday could serve as a
counterbalance to some of Iran's pernicious activities in
Lebanon. We are pressing our Saudi allies and, actually, with
some prospect of success to get a peace agreement in Yemen
which would roll back Houthi, the pernicious Houthi influence.
Mr. Wilson. Well, we appreciate each of your initiatives.
And can either of you here today guarantee to the subcommittee
that no U.S. taxpayers' funds are sent to the Iraqi Government
which, including the Iraqi Federal Police, which could be
disbursed to the Iranian-backed militias operating in the
country?
Secretary Schenker. I believe that is the case. We are not
providing any FMF to Iraq this year, but I will have to check
on the other funds. I believe that they are not funding the
Hashtashabi directly.
Mr. Wilson. Thank you.
And then, Assistant Secretary, what is your assessment of
the relationship between the U.N. operations within Syria and
the Assad regime in Damascus? Would you say the Assad regime
benefits from U.S. programming in Syria?
Secretary Schenker. Well, if I can punt to Mike Harvey on
that my understanding is no, that it does not benefit the Assad
regime.
Mr. Harvey. Congressman, you are raising a very serious
issue that concerns us greatly. As you know, the one place
that--the one activity that we do have in Assad-controlled
areas is our humanitarian assistance program that is
implemented almost exclusively through U.N. agencies with a few
exceptions and the issue of keeping control over resources and
ensuring integrity of that program is a constant challenge. But
it is something we work very closely with our U.N. partners on,
we watch very closely, and it is--please do keep the attention
on it as we will as well.
Mr. Wilson. And I am grateful that we have bipartisan
legislation on this point. And I know it is not covered very
often, but actually people of both parties can work together
substantially, particularly in the Middle East.
And then, Secretary Schenker, are there any U.S. citizens
currently held or detained by the Saudi Government and what
efforts is the Administration making for their release?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you. This is an issue of concern.
There is Walid Fitaihi, who is a dual national, who is being
held by the Saudis. We have been engaging with the Saudi
Government continuously about the case that Mr. Fitaihi had
been held for some 2 years without charge. And recently he was
charged and released and they are going through a trial. We
view that as a positive development and hopefully that trial
will be over soon and then Mr. Fitaihi will be exonerated and
be able to come home.
Mr. Wilson. And thank you for following through on that and
I yield back my time.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Wilson.
Mr. Allred, you are recognized.
Mr. Allred. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I want to thank
our witnesses for your service to our country. I am trying
though to discern this Administration's policy in the Middle
East.
On this subcommittee we have heard testimony that has been
widely ranging and I think been conflicting as well. The
President says he wants to support Israel, but I think he has
taken many steps that have empowered Iran. The President says
that he wants to destroy ISIS, but we have handed them a
lifeline in Syria with our actions. And, Mr. Schenker, you have
talked about how this budget is intended to stabilize the
region while you are also calling for large cuts to that
budget.
And so I am trying to understand what our policy is in the
Middle East and I want to begin with these cuts to foreign aid
and to the priorities that you have laid out that many of them
I agree with, and the justification has been to increase
``burden-sharing'' across international partners. Do you
believe that this is actually going to lead to our allies
contributing more or are we just giving Russia, Iran, and China
a bigger opening to increase their influence in the region?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. No, I believe
that actually our partners have stepped up. I think the best
example of that would be Syria, where the President, the
Administration zeroed out the budget last year of $300 million
for humanitarian assistance and we raised among our partners
325 million, including 180 million from Saudi Arabia and the
United Arab Emirates. They stepped up and they have stepped up
again and made similar commitments for this year.
So I think, you know, across the board we find our allies--
--
Mr. Allred. And do you find these commitments to be
sustainable? I am wondering because we have a national security
interest in this region. We do not use foreign aid out of the
goodness of our hearts in all cases, we use it because it
stabilizes countries. It allows us not to have to commit our
brave men and women to conflicts abroad. We have a national
security interest in it. If we are shaking down our allies and
getting them to step in while we are not going to pay, then
maybe in the short term that is something that we can do. But I
do not see that as a sustainable Middle East policy for the
United States.
Secretary Schenker. Sir, I understand your concern. So far
we have been successful in raising funds from our allies. I
think that we have to go every day and make the case to them
about why it is not only in our interest but it is in their
interest. Certainly, Saudi Arabia and the Emirates have stepped
up on Syria, but, you know, across the board they see things
and share in many ways the same threat perception in the region
and are willing to back our efforts.
Mr. Allred. Yes. Let's talk about Syria and let's talk
about how this Turkish incursion impacts this budget request.
Is this reflective, this budget request reflective of these
current events or is this something that was formulated before
these events?
Secretary Schenker. The budget was formulated before the
Turkish invasion.
Mr. Allred. And so how is this invasion going to impact
this request and your plans in the region?
Secretary Schenker. Yes. Well, that is a good question. We
have in the budget quite a bit of flexibility. Not only the
President had said immediately after the invasion that we would
provide $50 million plus another 4.5 million to support the
White Helmets and 50 million for humanitarian assistance, we
have also obligated funds, if necessary, if there is a mass
refugee flow of Syrian Kurds or Syrians into Iraqi Kurdish
area.
And we have flexibility through the Relief and Recovery
Fund, which has $145 million in it, and through the Diplomatic
Progress Fund.
Mr. Allred. OK. OK, so I understand, you know, we want to
be, if we are going to appropriate, we need to be part of the
discussion about how this is going forward. That is what I am
trying to get to. So I see you have some plans, but, Assistant
Administrator Harvey, if you could talk about what USAID's role
will be in this potential refugee crisis that we are seeing
unfolding in northern Syria.
Mr. Harvey. Well, when we are dealing with the issue of
refugees we will be working very closely with our State
Department colleagues in the Refugee Bureau. We have been
supporting the humanitarian assistance program within Syria
which includes both people who are in their homes but also
people who have been displaced by the conflict. We have about
90,000 people displaced from the recent Kurdish Turkish actions
whom we will be supporting through the ongoing and existing
humanitarian assistance program.
For the most part, we have access to them and our partners
are implementing programs remarkably. If there is a--we have
about 12,000 refugees who have crossed into Iraq. The systems
are in place and the resources are in place to deal with that
population. We, actually, are using a planning figure of about
50,000. If we are lucky, we will not get anywhere near that if
the cease-fire holds and Turkish operations stay where they
are.
My worry is less of dealing with the immediate humanitarian
situation as it is reestablishing political stability in that
area and that is going to be a serious challenge for all of us.
Mr. Allred. I agree. And that is why I disagree with the
budget request. We will formulate what we think is necessary as
we did in FY19. And thank you for your time.
Mr. Harvey. OK. Thank you, Congressman.
Mr. Allred. I yield.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Allred.
Mr. Kinzinger, you are recognized.
Mr. Kinzinger. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you both for being here. Specifically, on USAID, I
want to say you, I do not think you guys get enough credit. And
just generally with State Department you guys do not get enough
credit, because when you alleviate a conflict, obviously, you
do not know that it has been alleviated until we have, when it
is unsuccessful. So I want to thank you and your folks for all
the good work.
And, you know, specifically, I think it is important to try
to make sure we are spending taxpayer resources effectively and
efficiently in a targeted way. I think we should not cut those
resources simply to cut them. We should make sure they are
efficient. But I also, you know, it is important to make sure
when we do that, we are following the President's priorities
even if we disagree. And that is, you know, where we come into
play especially in an area like this.
But especially I want to commend, obviously, the people who
took out al-Baghdadi this weekend. It was a great thing. It is
not the end of the war on ISIS, this is a generational fight.
This is going to go on for a long time and I think we have to
accept and understand that. That is where you guys come in
extremely importantly as well, making sure that that next
generation is not radicalized. And that not only are they not
radicalized that they actually push back against
radicalization. But, you know, the more leaders we kill, the
dumber they get. It is like in Iraq when we did that during the
surge. You just, you take them out and you accelerate the
number you are taking out and pretty soon they run out of
people to lead and it capitulates.
So I wanted, obviously, I have expressed a lot of concerns,
generally, with Syria's policy, but I will leave those for now,
but I do want to turn to the regime who I think the corruption
was key to Baghdadi's caliphate and there is a whole lot on the
inception of ISIS and what Bashar al-Assad did. But I think now
it seems all but certain that Assad will consolidate much
control over the country.
Mr. Harvey, you mentioned about, you know, rebuilding and
USAID projects within Assad-controlled territory. I want to
echo what my colleague Mr. Wilson said. We do not want taxpayer
dollars going to prop up Assad. And so you can add me to that
list and I know you guys are with me on that too, so. But as
the founder of the Syria Caucus, I am going to continue to urge
my colleagues to hold those responsible for war crimes in Syria
accountable.
So, Mr. Schenker, if President Trump were to sign--I think
he has said he is willing to do it. We have one Senate hold-
out, but if he signs into law the Caesar Syria Civilian
Protection Act of 2019, what kind of impact would that have on
the Assad regime and their supporters?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you and I share with you the
pleasure at the killing of Baghdadi. This was----
Mr. Kinzinger. It is worth celebrating, for sure.
Secretary Schenker. Yes. No, it is a great thing, but there
is no knockout blow. So, I think that it is important that we
recognize what Assad has done. We are spending money in funding
projects to document the mass atrocities. We are working on
recordkeeping and underwriting some of that. This is a regime
that is beyond the pale.
And we are focused narrowly, remain to focus narrowly on
three things in Syria, you know, preventing the resurgence the
ISIS. We are working on preventing, you know, Iranian influence
in the country and rolling that back and also a political
future through the implementation of 2254. And this is the
issue about Caesar. This is a regime that cannot be allowed to
persist as-is, the people have to have a say in the direction
of their country. Refugees were not ancillary to this conflict.
Assad ethnically cleansed his country of Sunni Muslims. He
wanted to get rid of them. So the Caesar Act, I think, is very
important in that regard in holding to account.
Mr. Kinzinger. And I think another point on that is, look,
it is going to be out of those refugee camps that Assad created
where you get radicalization because people are hopeless,
uneducated in many cases, you know, and it is easy to blame
whoever, and that is where you find radicalization so
countering that is going to be important.
And can you also address, you know, with Putin obviously
standing up the Assad regime, how are you guys working to
counter their malign influence in the region?
Secretary Schenker. The Iranians are--I am sorry. The
Syrians are--the Russians are playing a pernicious role across
the region. It is not just in Syria. It is Libya and elsewhere.
We are working on a number of strategies. We are trying to
contain them by working with our allies. We are certainly
hammering our allies with warnings about CAATSA sanctions and
others, but also letting them know, I think having a frank
dialog, about what Russia does when they are on the ground.
Mr. Kinzinger. Yes. And I think--I am out of time and I
appreciate your service, but I think it is important to--it is
a lesson when they, you know, basically showed up in Syria in
2012 or 2013. It is a lesson, because we see them in Venezuela
and we will see them elsewhere. Stop them early. Prevent them
from coming in. Thank you both for your service. Mr. Chairman,
I yield back.
Mr. Deutch. I thank you, Mr. Kinzinger.
Mr. Malinowski, you are recognized.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Assistant Secretary Schenker, I am going to start off by
just reading the lead of a story in the Wall Street Journal
from yesterday about Egypt and about one young woman in
particular, Esraa Abdel Fattah, who is a political activist in
that country.
The lead of the story is, Egyptian security officers
grabbed her from her car in the country's capital on October
12th and blindfolded her, took her to a secure facility, two
lawyers who visited her in prison said she was slapped, beaten
on her arms and back, threatened with electrocution as officers
demanded the password to her mobile phone. When she refused,
the officers bound her hands and legs, choked her with her own
jacket, forcibly used her fingers to unlock the phone.
And you know as well as I do, I know your experience and
you know mine, that this is a routine story in Egypt and things
have gotten worse in the last month. More than 4,000 people
detained since protests seeking the removal of President Sisi
started up, the largest, I think, wave of arrests that the
country has seen since he came to power. And, you know, I do
not think I need to ask you if this is wrong because I am sure
you agree that it is, but I will ask this.
Since our policy toward Egypt is based or allegedly based
on advancing our security interests, does this kind of
repression which is escalating now help or hurt legitimate
efforts to fight extremism or terrorism in the country?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. I am familiar
with that story. I know Esraa. I met her several times. I think
it is outrageous. You should know that I had the Egyptian
ambassador in my office last week to talk about Esraa. This
matters greatly to the Administration. Egypt has a long way to
go on human rights.
You heard we--the Administration made a statement in
September talking about the rights of Egyptians to demonstrate
peacefully and the obligation of the Egyptian authorities to
protect demonstrators. This is something that is very important
to the Administration and we talk about it.
Mr. Malinowski. Well, thank you and I am glad that you did
that. But I guess I am asking a more fundamental question,
because I remember sitting in your chair a few years ago saying
something along the lines of Egypt has a long way to go. And it
seems to have an even longer way to go today, and yet here we
have the same security relationship that we used to have. You
know, any progress in Sinai over the last several years?
And, once again, the question I would ask you, do their
tactics help or hurt in the fight against what we say is our
shared enemy?
Secretary Schenker. Actually, on Sinai, they have made some
progress. I think it is incremental. They have received
training that is more narrowly tailored to that type of
counterterrorism mission, but more importantly they have
recognized and I think through our counsel that
counterterrorism requires than just a military component. And I
will actually let my colleague Mike Harvey talk about what we
are doing and what the Egyptians are doing in the Sinai in that
regard.
Mr. Malinowski. Well, actually, hold on. I do not have that
much time so.
Secretary Schenker. OK.
Mr. Malinowski. Because I have a different question I
wanted to ask Mr. Harvey.
But, look, I would just say the fundamental problem here is
that, you know, even as the President pulls back from Syria,
claims that it is just a bunch of sand and we need to get out
of the Middle East and we cannot do these things forever, when
the people we were helping, both Kurdish and Arab, are actually
fighting and dying with us to fight terrorism, many of whom
actually share our values, incredibly brave civil society
activists who we are no longer supporting because we have
pulled back so much of our programming there, and yet we
continue to spend $1.3 billion of the taxpayers' money helping
the Egyptian military put on military parades with their tanks,
and that does not sit well with me.
I have a very quick question with very little time left for
you, Mr. Harvey, and it is about Yemen. When was the last time
we, USAID or through the United Nations, provided a no-strike
list to the Saudi military in terms of humanitarian locations,
targets that we ask them not to hit in Yemen?
Mr. Harvey. Congressman, I actually cannot answer that
question, I do not know. But I do know that it is a constant
point of discussion between our two governments.
Mr. Malinowski. OK, so--but we have provided them with no-
strike lists?
Mr. Harvey. We certainly have, both through AID and through
our DOD colleagues.
Mr. Malinowski. OK. I think that is a very important thing
to confirm on the record, because we have, you know, not just
broad concerns about human rights and targeting that we have
shared with the Saudis that they have not always listened to,
but specific locations and coordinates that they have hit that
we have specifically given them as locations not to hit. I
think that elevates this to the highest possible level of
concern. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Malinowski.
Mr. Chabot, you are recognized.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and I want
to apologize for not being here to hear the testimony. I had an
honor flight at the World War II Memorial and that is obviously
a priority. And we see those great American heroes. It used to
be mostly World War II veterans like my father who would be a
hundred, if he were still alive, next month, but now it is
Korean War veterans and Vietnam War veterans and on and on.
But it is one of those things, so I apologize for not being
here a little earlier. And if I repeat some of the questions
that were already answered, I apologize for that too. But I
certainly appreciate the tougher line that this Administration
has taken against Iran, for the most part, which under the free
hand given by the JCPOA greatly expanded its influence in the
region and I would like to focus on Iran's so-called land
bridge to the Mediterranean.
A critical goal of this quarter is for Iran to be able to
threaten and potentially, ultimately, attack one of our most
significant allies in the world and that is Israel. Could
either one of the gentlemen here discuss the Administration's
plans to curtail Iran's ability to move equipment or supplies
or fighters into and through Syria and onto the Israeli border?
So, thank you.
Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. The land bridge
is an issue of enormous concern to the Administration. Before
the Turkish incursion into northern Syria, the positioning of
our troops there as an ancillary benefit to being present and
fighting ISIS there had limited Iran's ability in some way to
do everything it wanted. We still have residual presence there
that as long as we are able to provide security and stability
and work with our SDF partners in these areas, which we
continue to do, that may limit Iran's ability somewhat.
But this is a priority and if we curtail our presence then
it becomes, it would become more difficult to do so. As you
know, the Israelis appear to be, they have hit Iranian targets
in Syria for some time, attempted weapons transfers to Lebanon,
this is something that is not a secret. So that in some way is
also curtailing the efforts to establish this land bridge full-
time.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you.
Did you want to add anything?
Mr. Harvey. Not specifically, Congressman, because we are a
few steps to the side of that broader debate. But much of what
USAID's sort of premises its development activities in this
region on is that enabling these countries to stand on their
own as fully sovereign countries that control their destiny, it
better enables them to push back from the nefarious intent of
both Iran, Russia, and others.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you.
Secretary Schenker. Yes. If I might add, I mean in some
ways the weak link there has been Iraq more than Syria. As you
know, Iran is storing ballistic missiles in Iraq. Iraq is not
able to exert its sovereignty and push back. This is a real
problem and will remain a problem for some time until Iraq can
exert sovereignty.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much. And I am sure that my next
question has probably been mentioned and discussed prior to my
being here. Obviously, the taking out al-Baghdadi was a huge
victory. Just a horrific, horrible individual, the head of
probably the most despicable organization that we have seen in
a long, long time, so I want to commend the President and all
those that worked with him in accomplishing this and obviously,
principally, our men and women in uniform who, you know, took
the action to end this horrible person's time on this earth.
Could you discuss the Administration's plans moving forward
to ensure that ISIS does not reestablish itself under, you
know, and a new caliphate under, especially in Syria under a
new leader? What are the Administration's plans at this point
in ensuring that that does not happen?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. That is a top
priority for the Administration, the fight against ISIS, the
prevention of the resurgence of ISIS 2.0. Contrary to what many
people say, the Administration continues to work with our SDF
partners on the ground in Syria. We have troops embedded with
units and we continue to fight ISIS there. And that will be a
key point of our presence going forward, whether in At Tanf or
outside that area.
So I would anticipate the counterterrorism mission will
remain a very high priority for the indefinite future. This is
as I think as Congressman Kinzinger said, it is a generational
mission.
Mr. Chabot. Very good. Thank you very much.
My time has expired, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Chabot.
Mr. Keating, you are recognized.
Mr. Keating. Well, thank you.
A question just following up on Iraq. It is a great
concern. We have seen the demonstrations. We know the situation
there in detail. We know that there was an order for
nonemergency personnel in May to leave. That is going to run
out next month. It seems from the budget there has been a cut
in security funds. Does that represent what the future is
there? It is such a critical area along with so many areas, but
without a presence there it is going to be that much more
difficult from the Stateside. Could you comment on what the
prospects look like in this critical area right now that often
gets overlooked?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you. I share your concern. The
safety and well-being of the diplomats in NEA is a top priority
for me. It is my responsibility in many ways. And so, we are on
ordered departure, we have been, and in 8 days or 7 days it
will be 6 months. The security situation is such that this is
what I believe is the new normal.
That said, while we have not the height of the numbers that
we had before, we have sufficient numbers on the ground to do
our mission. And, in fact, even under ordered departure, this
year, even so far, we have done more visits with the Iraqi,
more engagements with Iraqi parliamentarians outside of the
embassy compound than we did when we had our full complement
the year before we went on ordered departure.
So we are engaged diplomatically in a way that, you know,
as we were before, even more so. Our military presence there,
while the FMF has been zeroed out, part of this is burden-
sharing, but part of it also is that the military has CTEF
funding where it can do train and equip and fund and work with
the Iraqi military, notwithstanding the absence of FMF. So we
remain engaged. We have numbers of troops there. We have a full
diplomatic corps. I have been in Iraq maybe four times in the
past 4 months, so this is a priority for us. If you want to
roll back Iran in the region, this is the beachhead and we are
there and we are not leaving.
Mr. Keating. Yes. Well, thank you for your engagement in
that. Just briefly, too, I mean there has been 14 million
Yemenis on the verge of starvation, 85,000 have died of famine.
Are we engaging with multilaterals? What are we doing there to
try and help one of the worst humanitarian situations in the
world?
Mr. Harvey. I am sorry, Congressman. Did you say Yemen?
Mr. Keating. Yemen, sorry. Oh, your microphone is on. Yes,
your mike is--there.
Mr. Harvey. Yemen is a remarkable challenge for all us. It
is one of the largest humanitarian assistance programs
anywhere. It is an extremely difficult place to do work. The de
facto authorities in the north, the Houthis, make it very
difficult and yet despite that we are extremely proud of the
performance of our WFP colleagues in particular, but also
UNICEF, WHO, and the panoply of American and international
NGO's who have been working in Yemen.
Mr. Keating. Thank you for your work. I just wanted to
touch one other----
Mr. Harvey. Yes.
Mr. Keating [continuing]. Topic too. It is hard in 5
minutes.
But I have long felt that we could have a greater
significance if we could better work with our EU allies on
their development programs and sort of coordinate better what
they are doing and what we are doing in critical areas of the
world. Is there an opportunity to even have a multiplier effect
beyond what we are doing now, because I think there is an
enormous opportunity that way.
Mr. Harvey. Congressman, I could not agree with you more.
The EU is an interesting institution and I will leave it at
that. What is in countries like Yemen where we are almost
entirely dependent upon the United Nations, it is easier
because that mechanism sort of forces joint pooled funding of
activities. In countries where we have more bilateral
programming there is more coordination than you might see.
But they are, to be perfectly honest, challenging partners
because their bureaucracy is even slower than ours. And
whenever I am feeling frustrated about USAID's bureaucracy, I
just look at the others and I feel a little better, but it is
something that we are committed to. We have folks assigned in
Brussels where we meet with our Brussels counterparts. But
let's not forget that the German, the French, the British
bilateral assistance programs, especially the British and the
Germans, are huge around the world and those bilateral
partnerships are extremely close. I mean, I just, having spent
4 years dealing with Boko Haram in Nigeria, not successfully
but that is another conversation, the partnership we had with
the Brits and the Germans was as good as it could get.
Mr. Keating. Good. I hope it is something that our
committee and the subcommittee I chair can continue to work on.
Thank you for your service. I yield back.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Keating.
Mr. Trone, you are recognized.
Mr. Trone. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Assistant Secretary Schenker, accountability for the murder
of Jamal Khashoggi is vital to the broader U.S. interest in
supporting the rights and freedoms of individuals, in
particular freedom of the press. Does not failing to provide
consequences for the Khashoggi assassination embolden the
perpetrators, and what is the Administration doing to prevent
this possibility?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman.
Accountability, the Secretary has said, is critical in the
murder of Jamal Khashoggi, getting to the bottom of it. I knew
Khashoggi. It is something that matters to me, personally, as
well. In 2018, the Administration sanctioned some eleven--17
Saudis involved in the murder of Khashoggi with the Global
Magnitsky sanctions. Right now, there is some 11 defendants in
Saudi Arabia in the middle of a trial. I think both the defense
and the prosecution have finished their cases and we are
waiting on verdicts. I think the judicial process as we see it
falls short of full accountability and we have indicated that
to the Saudis. We are encouraging, nonetheless, a fair and
transparent judicial process.
Mr. Trone. It certainly seems like we are not getting that
at the end of the day, but under crown prince, again, the Saudi
Government has intensified its crackdown on dissidents, human
right activists. In 1918, the repression was directed against
the women, leading women's rights advocates who were seeking to
end the male guardianship system that enables systematic abuse
and repression. In May 18, authorities arrested a dozen
prominent women's rights activists and accused several others
of grave crimes, including treason, directly related to their
activism. There is also reports that women were subjected to
sexual harassment and torture.
What is the State Department's view on Saudi Arabia's
crackdown against these activists and dissidents?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you. It is a concern of the
Administration and the State Department some of these human
rights allegations of abuse, but I would like to say that it is
a bit of a mixed bag here. For example, the Saudi Government in
the last 4 months lifted, ended the guardianship law, so now
women can travel abroad without the permission of their
children, for example, or a male guardian. Several of the women
drivers have been released from jail. Walid Fitaihi, who I
talked about before, a dual national U.S. citizen has now been
charged and is on trial, but has been released from jail.
You know, on other issues and they have been very positive
as well, the Saudi Government is working to put the Yemeni
Government back together by fostering negotiations between the
Southern Transitional Council and the Hadi government. They are
about to get an agreement on that. They have a deescalation
with the Houthis that actually appears to be taking hold. At
our encouragement, they gave, last month, $500 million to
humanitarian assistance in Yemen.
So let's say that Saudi, too, has some way to come or some
room for improvement in terms of human rights, but they are
working on it. They are putting together a committee on
trafficking human persons to look into this more closely so
they do not have some sort of bad rating next year from the
assessment from the U.S. Government next year. I actually think
they are making an effort and, in some places, succeeding.
Mr. Trone. So it is an effort, but it looks like there is
lots of room to go. We still have dissidents in jail. We still
have lots of conversation about torture and abuse that they are
suffering. We still have a crown prince that has not been held
accountable. So, yes, progress is great, but we are not where
we need to be and I think we need to continue to pressure and
push for where we should be. We all know, morally, where we
should be.
Secretary Schenker. Well, thank you. This is a topic of
ongoing discussion between us and the Saudis, but I think that
while we should continue pushing, where credit is due, I think
we should give them credit.
Mr. Trone. Quickly to Tunisia, the legislative--the
elections just happened in Tunisia. We would like to see them
move in a good direction, but we cut foreign aid from 86
million roughly in half. Do you have concerns about the message
that sends?
Secretary Schenker. Thank you. We think that the number is
right on Tunisia, in two parts. By the way, we too think that
the elections were a dramatic success and see this as really a
positive development. I was just in Tunisia last month right
before the elections. I met with the independent electoral
commission. It is something that is a source, I think should be
a source of pride for them and certainly for the region. It is
unusual.
We think the number is the right figure. The FMF, the
INCLE, the money that we provide for the security forces is the
same, basically, but some of the ESF has decreased. And if we
need to, we can make that up with MEPI. They also get a great
deal of money from Europeans, once again, burden-sharing. And
all this money, there is an issue of absorptive capacity, so we
think we are at the right amount.
Mr. Trone. Thank you.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Trone. I just had a couple of
followups and then, Mr. Wilson, if he has any.
Assistant Secretary Schenker, you said Iraq is a beachhead.
I think you were referring to Iraq as a beachhead in
confronting Iranian aggression; is that right?
Secretary Schenker. Right.
Mr. Deutch. November is the 6-month statutory deadline for
extending the ordered departures and you have got to decide the
future of U.S. Government presence in Iraq. Are there plans to
strengthen the security of the U.S. embassy in Iraq to enable
the return of U.S. personnel? Or tell me where that stands.
Secretary Schenker. Yes. This has been something that I
spend a great deal of time on, actually, you know, safety and
security of diplomatic personnel in Iraq, in particular. I do
not want to get into the details of how we came to it,
discussions, we think security at the embassy is adequate.
Actually, better than adequate.
Mr. Deutch. Sufficient for the return of personnel, to
enable U.S. personnel in the resumption of the----
Secretary Schenker. To accomplish the mission.
Mr. Deutch. Yes.
Secretary Schenker. And we have got a number of diplomats
that we think is appropriate and I can brief you about this in
another setting.
Mr. Deutch. OK.
Secretary Schenker. But yes, we are committed to the
mission.
Mr. Deutch. Great. Right, I would like to do that if we can
arrange that.
And then, finally, also on the topic of Iran, this time in
Syria. I think if I understood you, you said if we curtail our
presence it would be more difficult to prevent, effectively,
the land bridge that was asked about earlier. Did I understand
you correctly and when you say if we curtail our presence, if
we curtail our presence the way we are doing, if we curtail our
presence beyond what we are doing, what were you referring to?
Secretary Schenker. For basically beyond what we are doing.
But as Ambassador Jeffrey said during, I believe during his
testimony to you, our presence is a stabilizing force and to
the degree that we are present it sets better conditions for
the right things to happen in Syria.
Mr. Deutch. So are you--so I will ask. So are you confident
that the current strategy effectively prevents Iran from
establishing that land bridge that we have, this committee in
particular has worried so much about?
Secretary Schenker. I think it complicates Iranian efforts
to do so.
Mr. Deutch. Does the Administration assess U.S. efforts to
prevent the spread of Iranian influence in Syria and Iraq and
Lebanon as successful?
Secretary Schenker. Sir, it is a work in progress. In Iraq
right now a lot of the intercommunal violence that you are
seeing is based on, our belief is, Iranian overreach because
Iran is so enmeshed in the society. Many Shiite there like
everywhere throughout the region are Shiite nationalists and
are pushing back on this.
Mr. Deutch. OK. And so, let me just wrap up again on this
issue of the land bridge. So there are, how many troops are in
Tanf?
Secretary Schenker. I am not at liberty to say.
Mr. Deutch. But the withdrawal of troops from northern
Syria, the withdrawal--I just want to make sure I understand.
Secretary Schenker. There is still a residual U.S. presence
that goes beyond At Tanf.
Mr. Deutch. And you are confident that whatever that number
is that residual presence is sufficient to prevent Iran from
establishing a land bridge from Tehran through Baghdad and
Damascus over to Beirut?
Secretary Schenker. I think it plays a positive role on
that front.
Mr. Deutch. Well, I am sure some is better than none. I am
just asking whether it is a sufficient number to prevent Iran
from establishing that.
Secretary Schenker. I really cannot comment.
Mr. Deutch. OK. I appreciate it.
Anything further, Mr. Wilson?
Great. Well, thanks. I thank the witnesses and all the
members for being here today. Thanks for your testimony,
Assistant Secretary Schenker and Assistant Administrator
Harvey. Members of the subcommittee may have some additional
questions for you and we ask our witnesses to please respond to
those questions in writing. I would ask my colleagues to submit
those questions for the hearing record within five business
days.
And with that and, without objection, the subcommittee is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:48 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX
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RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
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